1002:5.1
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| 1002:5.1 [2016/08/20 21:27] – [Capital and community] Ryan Schram (admin) | 1002:5.1 [Unknown date] (current) – removed - external edit (Unknown date) 127.0.0.1 | ||
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| - | ~~DECKJS~~ | ||
| - | # The moral economy # | ||
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| - | ## Capital and community ## | ||
| - | |||
| - | Ryan Schram | ||
| - | |||
| - | Mills 169 (A26) | ||
| - | |||
| - | ryan.schram@sydney.edu.au | ||
| - | |||
| - | Monday, August 22, 2016 | ||
| - | |||
| - | Available at: http:// | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Morality and self-interest ## | ||
| - | |||
| - | One of the ways societies respond to market forces is by placing | ||
| - | limits on individual choices | ||
| - | |||
| - | * Wamira (Papua New Guinea) taro gardens can't be tended with metal | ||
| - | tools (Kahn 1986) | ||
| - | * When Luo (Kenya) people sell land, they earn " | ||
| - | 1989) | ||
| - | |||
| - | Market-driven societies also place some kind of moral limit on profit | ||
| - | as well | ||
| - | |||
| - | * Human tissue cannot be sold in Australia | ||
| - | * Prostitution is illegal in the United States, except Nevada | ||
| - | |||
| - | Certain kinds of value remain embedded in social relationships while | ||
| - | other kinds are able to be commodified, | ||
| - | itself immoral? | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Fordist surveillance and moral proletarian resistance ## | ||
| - | |||
| - | We can apply the same kind of thinking to the relationship of wage | ||
| - | labor, which is based on exploitation. Workers often find ways to | ||
| - | collectively resist the extraction of surplus value | ||
| - | |||
| - | * Cleaning one's wool-spinning machine promptly at the end of a | ||
| - | shift - a clean machine usually doesn' | ||
| - | tomorrow (Shehata 2009, 68) | ||
| - | * Breaking machine counters, which meant that operators and not | ||
| - | supervisors had to determine when a machine' | ||
| - | completely full and could be replaced (Shehata 2009, 69) | ||
| - | |||
| - | Many of these and similar tactics were also used by workers in | ||
| - | socialist firms so that they could subvert the control of managers. | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## A good work ethic ## | ||
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| - | Of course, from another perspective, | ||
| - | limiting market forces are bad for moral reasons: | ||
| - | |||
| - | * Peasants are lazy; they only produce what they need | ||
| - | * Factory workers are irresponsible; | ||
| - | meets its quotas | ||
| - | * Indigenous people are backward; they think their territory is more | ||
| - | valuable than having enough food. | ||
| - | * Workers who " | ||
| - | immoral (Prentice 2015, 95)! | ||
| - | | ||
| - | Do mass production and production for the market have their own | ||
| - | morality? Where does it come from? | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Dichotomous thinking ## | ||
| - | |||
| - | An either-or distinction is a dichotomy. | ||
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| - | An opposition between individual self-interest and the collective | ||
| - | force of a social norm, like reciprocity, | ||
| - | dichotomous classification. | ||
| - | |||
| - | Many societies see their own involvement in markets in terms of this | ||
| - | dichotomy. Their ideology focuses on the dilemma - a choice between | ||
| - | opposed ends - posed by trading: Do I earn for myself or give help to | ||
| - | my neighbors and kin? | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## On the black market ## | ||
| - | |||
| - | During Papua New Guinea' | ||
| - | allowed to buy alcohol. Homemade intoxicants, | ||
| - | also banned | ||
| - | |||
| - | Liquor sales today require a license, which most people can't afford | ||
| - | to get. Reselling liquor is still a pretty good way to make money. | ||
| - | |||
| - | The government of Port Moresby recently banned chewing and selling | ||
| - | betel nut in public. This cut off a steady source of income for many | ||
| - | poor people. | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Painim wok ## | ||
| - | |||
| - | For a long time during the colonial period, indigenous people were not | ||
| - | allowed to stay overnight in towns, unless they were formally employed | ||
| - | by a white person, and then only in their *banis* (compound). | ||
| - | |||
| - | People set up little settlements on the outskirts of towns, built | ||
| - | their own houses where they could live and seek opportunities, | ||
| - | including paid work. | ||
| - | |||
| - | These settlements also became gateways to the city for other rural | ||
| - | residents from the same places, or wantoks. | ||
| - | |||
| - | This is not a clash of market principles and communal morality, but | ||
| - | two different moral systems. | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## The informal sector ## | ||
| - | |||
| - | * Illegal forms of trade: Liquor sales, gambling, counterfeit goods, | ||
| - | pirated movies | ||
| - | * Illegal places of business: On the street, out of one's home | ||
| - | * Outside of the banking system | ||
| - | * Not subject to the moral requirements of kin and community either | ||
| - | |||
| - | |||
| - | ## References ## | ||
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| - | Kahn, Miriam. 1986. Always Hungry, Never Greedy: Food and the | ||
| - | Expression of Gender in a Melanesian Society. Cambridge: Cambridge | ||
| - | University Press. | ||
| - | |||
| - | Prentice, Rebecca. 2015. "' | ||
| - | the Shop Floor." | ||
| - | and Neoliberal Subjectivities in Trinidad, 87–110. Boulder, Colo.: | ||
| - | University Press of Colorado. | ||
| - | |||
| - | Shehata, Samer S. 2009. Shop Floor Culture and Politics in | ||
| - | Egypt. Albany, N.Y.: SUNY Press. | ||
| - | |||
| - | Shipton, Parker. 1989. Bitter Money: Cultural Economy and Some African | ||
| - | Meanings of Forbidden Commodities. Washington, D.C.: American | ||
| - | Anthropological Association. | ||
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| - | |||
| - | |||
| - | ## A guide to the unit ## | ||
| - | |||
| - | {{page> | ||
1002/5.1.1471753663.txt.gz · Last modified: 2016/08/20 21:27 by Ryan Schram (admin)