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| 1002:11.1 [2016/10/08 20:38] – [Why societies change] Ryan Schram (admin) | 1002:11.1 [Unknown date] (current) – removed - external edit (Unknown date) 127.0.0.1 | ||
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| - | ~~DECKJS~~ | ||
| - | # Multiple modernities # | ||
| - | ## Multiple modernities ## | ||
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| - | Ryan Schram | ||
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| - | Mills 169, A26 | ||
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| - | ryan (dot) schram (at) sydney.edu.au | ||
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| - | Monday and Wednesday, October 10 and 12, 2016 | ||
| - | |||
| - | ### Reading ### | ||
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| - | Brenner, Suzanne. 1996. “Reconstructing Self and Society: Javanese Muslim Women and ‘the Veil.’” American Ethnologist 23 (4): 673–97. doi: | ||
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| - | ## Preparing for the final exam ## | ||
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| - | The **ANTH 1002 final examination is a " | ||
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| - | **Start studying now!** Even though this is an open-book and open-notes exam, you should still prepare in advance as you would for any exam. Think about each individual concept, topic and reading as part of the class as a whole. Each of the questions in the exam will ask you to explain how individual examples and ideas illustrate something important about anthropology in the contemporary era. | ||
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| - | If you need **special arrangements to take the exam** for any reason, please email Ryan **immediately**. This can include special consideration or arrangement, | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## The rise of cities ## | ||
| - | |||
| - | ### US urbanisation ### | ||
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| - | * USA 1900: 30% of people live in cities | ||
| - | * USA 1990: nearly 80% live in cities (US Census 1995). | ||
| - | |||
| - | ### World urbanisation ### | ||
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| - | * In 1800, 3% of the world lived in cities. | ||
| - | * In 1900, 19%. | ||
| - | * In 2000, 47% ... and recently over half of people live in cities (The Economist 2007). | ||
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| - | What do you think are the main differences between rural and urban societies? | ||
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| - | ## What is a contemporary society? ## | ||
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| - | This class is about the conditions of life and society in the contemporary world. | ||
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| - | The contemporary world is: | ||
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| - | * Interconnected. Everyone lives in some kind of conjuncture of cultures and orders. | ||
| - | * Fluid. Societies are produced through their interactions with other cultures, and every society is a product of their history. | ||
| - | * Complex. Many different kinds of logic coexist within every society, like reciprocity and commodity exchange, or in-the-world or on-the-world | ||
| - | * Defined by unintended side-effects. All societies are changing all the time, but change goes in different directions, and history is not linear or progressive. | ||
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| - | In other words, anthropologists argue that you cannot understand life in the contemporary world by a **" | ||
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| - | ## Multiple modernities ## | ||
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| - | This week we taking a second look at the concept of modernity. Today I | ||
| - | want to talk about modernity as a distinct kind of change. | ||
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| - | On Wednesday, I want to argue that there is more than one kind of | ||
| - | modernity. Specifically, | ||
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| - | * All societies change, but not all societies end up being the same. | ||
| - | * Not all kinds of social change are progress. | ||
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| - | By the end of this week, I hope to have explained why anthropologists | ||
| - | for the most part are very skeptical that there is such a thing as | ||
| - | modernity. They prefer to talk about it as multiple modernities, | ||
| - | with its own logic and history. | ||
| - | |||
| - | Before we get going, I should mention that my slides for today are | ||
| - | much denser than usual. This lecture is also much denser and more | ||
| - | abstract. So I suggest that you concentrate on listening and use the | ||
| - | words on the screen as a guide to the main points. Don't try to copy | ||
| - | down everything on the screen. All of the slides are online on | ||
| - | anthro.rschram.org. | ||
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| - | ## Max Weber: the man, the myth, the sociologist ## | ||
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| - | Max Weber (1864-1920) is widely considered the founder of modern | ||
| - | sociology. Along with Emile Durkheim, he is credited with some of | ||
| - | social science' | ||
| - | |||
| - | Weber' | ||
| - | different types of society, and one can compare them to understand | ||
| - | each better. | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Weber and modernity ## | ||
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| - | For Weber " | ||
| - | societies. | ||
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| - | Traditional societies are based on following rules because 'this is | ||
| - | the way it has always been.' | ||
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| - | Modern societies allow more freedom for individuals to make | ||
| - | choices. Modern societies are based on agreements between individuals. | ||
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| - | Weber says that modern societies are **more rational** than | ||
| - | traditional societies. | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## That doesn' | ||
| - | |||
| - | Weber did not look at cultural differences the way that | ||
| - | anthropologists do. His views about social change are ethnocentric. He | ||
| - | assumed that all societies were moving toward greater rationality, | ||
| - | which he saw in the German state. | ||
| - | |||
| - | Let's look at Weber' | ||
| - | modernity. | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Weber' | ||
| - | |||
| - | Weber' | ||
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| - | * Traditional: | ||
| - | * Affective: I do it because it expresses my emotions. | ||
| - | * Value-rational: | ||
| - | advance a collective goal of my society. | ||
| - | * Instrumental-rational: | ||
| - | amount of effort. | ||
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| - | ## Social action and society ## | ||
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| - | People are always motivated to act by a combination of all four types | ||
| - | of motivation: tradition, affect, value-rationality, | ||
| - | rationality. | ||
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| - | One type of motivation is always predominant in a single form. | ||
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| - | People do different kinds of actions in different kinds of contexts. | ||
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| - | Different social institutions call on people to be different kinds of | ||
| - | actors and to think about themselves and the value of their action in | ||
| - | a certain way. | ||
| - | |||
| - | |||
| - | ## Examples ## | ||
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| - | Think about these examples. Each of these actions has a different | ||
| - | meaning for the person who does them. | ||
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| - | Giving a fruit loaf. It's getting close to the holiday season and so | ||
| - | there' | ||
| - | something for the people hosting a party for you. Mauss would say that | ||
| - | this obligation is reciprocity. Weber didn't believe in | ||
| - | reciprocity. It's a tradition. You basically do it out of habit. | ||
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| - | Giving change to the Salvos. | ||
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| - | Buying ramen noodles. | ||
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| - | Each of these have different kind of primary motivation. Each social | ||
| - | role one plays -- relative, donor, customer -- embodies a different | ||
| - | value. | ||
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| - | ## Religion as a type of social action ## | ||
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| - | What kind of value does religion embody? Or, from an actor' | ||
| - | view, what is the motivation for participating in religious worship | ||
| - | and a religious organization? | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Religion as a type of social action ## | ||
| - | |||
| - | In most senses of the word, people are not motivated to participate in | ||
| - | religion for reasons of economic gain, at least not primarily. It | ||
| - | isn't **instrumentally rational**, at least not primarily. | ||
| - | |||
| - | By the same token, religious institutions are not set up to create a | ||
| - | space for people to pursue self-interested goals. | ||
| - | |||
| - | Many people find religion emotionally satisfying. But many people find | ||
| - | soap operas emotionally satsifying too, so that can't be the only | ||
| - | motivation. | ||
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| - | Tradition, yes, perhaps. | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Religion as ethics ## | ||
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| - | For Weber, some religions draw people because they give them an answer | ||
| - | to the ultimate meaning of life, and show them how to be an ethical | ||
| - | person. They ask people to do things based on "value | ||
| - | rationality" | ||
| - | pray, worship and participate in a religious community. | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Religion is rationalization ## | ||
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| - | Religion is a force in society because it gives people an alternative | ||
| - | to tradition. It forces them to examine why they do what they do. | ||
| - | |||
| - | In other words, religion rationalizes people' | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Religious change leads to social change ## | ||
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| - | Weber argued that many religious movements sowed the seeds of social | ||
| - | revolutions. | ||
| - | |||
| - | As society became more rationalized in general, he believed people | ||
| - | would not need religion to give them motivation to be rational. They | ||
| - | could rely on systems based on instrumental rationality, | ||
| - | bureaucracy and markets. | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## The Protestant Ethic ## | ||
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| - | The Weber thesis is that the development of an ascetic form of | ||
| - | Protestant Christianity spurred the development of market exchange and | ||
| - | capitalist production. This is presented in his famous book //The | ||
| - | Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism// | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## The Protestant Ethic ## | ||
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| - | Calvin teaches that salvation is for the elect. There' | ||
| - | can do to earn salvation. | ||
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| - | What you do with your life has nothing to do with your relationship to | ||
| - | God. | ||
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| - | If you were successful, it was a **sign** that you were in the | ||
| - | elect. Wealth is not valuable for its own sake. | ||
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| - | A person should follow one's " | ||
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| - | The **means** of earning a living (a calling) are separate from the **ends** | ||
| - | (a living, wealth and success). Thus if one is wealthy, one can be | ||
| - | deatched from this wealth and deal with objectively. | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Twist! ## | ||
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| - | Protestant reformers condemned people for being consumed with | ||
| - | worldliness: | ||
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| - | Because their philosophy was based on a new way of thinking of the | ||
| - | person as an individual, they actually paved the way for disembedding | ||
| - | the economy from social relationships. | ||
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| - | Greed is good? Not really. Weber concludes that Protestantism led to | ||
| - | people believing that self-interest is just human nature. | ||
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| - | ## Modernization theory ## | ||
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| - | In the past, anthropologists and sociologists wanted to know how | ||
| - | societies became more modern, and moved toward the type of society | ||
| - | found in Europe. This school is called **" | ||
| - | |||
| - | Robert Bellah, Tokugawa Religion (1957). | ||
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| - | James Peacock, Muslim Puritans (1978). | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Why is Weber' | ||
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| - | Even though Weber was ethnocentric in some ways, he did think that | ||
| - | culture played a role in the history of society. | ||
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| - | The values people learn from cultural institutions, | ||
| - | religion, cause a society to change. | ||
| - | |||
| - | ## Next lecture ## | ||
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| - | Weber predicted that modern societies would be secular. Why hasn't | ||
| - | that happened? | ||
| - | |||
| - | Why has there been a " | ||
| - | more " | ||
| - | people of postcolonial societies such as Indonesia? | ||
| - | |||
| - | We examine the " | ||
| - | piety. | ||
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| - | ## References ## | ||
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| - | Bellah, Robert N. 1957. Tokugawa Religion: The Values of Pre-Industrial Japan. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press. | ||
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| - | The Economist. 2007. “The World Goes to Town,” May 3. http:// | ||
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| - | Peacock, James L. 1978. Muslim Puritans: Reformist Psychology in Southeast Asian Islam. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press. | ||
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| - | “Urban and Rural Population: 1900 to 1990.” 1995. United States Census Bureau. October. https:// | ||
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| - | Weber, Max. 1905. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of | ||
| - | Capitalism. London: Unwin Hyman. https:// | ||
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| - | ## A guide to the unit ## | ||
| - | |||
| - | {{page> | ||
1002/11.1.1475984321.txt.gz · Last modified: 2016/10/08 20:38 by Ryan Schram (admin)